WHY has Malay political dominance not translated into more socio-economic gains for the Malay community is a conundrum that appears to remain beyond the reach of our policymakers and politicians.
Yes, the nation has seen much socio-economic progress since independence. But the failure to make much dent into the bottom 40% of the population remains one of the more difficult challenges for the country.
Whatever is the actual poverty situation we can expect the dispute over definition and numbers to continue endlessly. Also whether we can believe the previous government’s boast that only 1% of the country’s households can be considered to be poor, the reality is that the country’s underclass (and this includes many more households than just those adjudged to be living below the poverty line) is sizable, growing and has remained intractable to the hundreds of billion ringgit poured into the group in the Malaysia plans.
Why have so many socio-economic development and poverty alleviation projects failed to make a significant dent in the plight of the underclass should be an important part of the discourse among Malay politicians especially.
It also needs to be a concern for all state players engaged in forging a new Malaysia that does not replicate the mistakes of the projects and programmes deployed by the previous government in dealing with the underclass.
Here are some suggestions on the fresh start needed in the nation’s development planning which may make a greater impact in tackling the obstacles and problems that stand in the way of improving the lives of the underclass.
Ditch or minimise approaches which reinforce rather than reduce dependency. Malaysia is not at the same development stage that it can afford the extensive social safety nets found in developed nations. Expensive subsidy programmes of any kind – and this includes the replacement for BR1M, and petrol subsidies – should be pruned back and targeted at a small number of the most vulnerable such as the elderly or female headed households. Able working age adults below a certain age – say 60 years – should not be eligible for any form of subsidy programme.
Review all costly agricultural and rural development projects to assess their impact and real benefits. In view of continuing rural to urban migration, it is in urban and semi-rural areas where the underclass is mainly clustered and where public expenditure will have greater impact on the poor and vulnerable.
Fragile families are a significant contributor to the intergenerational reproduction of poverty and should be a key concern for the authorities. They are also likely to be a major factor accounting for racial and class disparities since the tendency towards fragility seems to be more pronounced in the Malay and bumiputra community.
Together with a focus on fragile families, there is a need to jumpstart the national family planning programme which has been put in cold storage. Evidence of the relationship between very large and large families and underclass status – can be found in many countries. Early family planning interventions can help many large poor and middle class families avoid later life marginalisation by improving their socio-economic position through better planning in their childbearing practices.
A community’s socio-cultural and religious practices may either stand in the way or assist in the mobility of its members.
There needs to be an openness and readiness for politicians and policymakers to discuss these issues and take corrective action even if it may involve touching on sensitive concerns.
We have a top down approach to development which has resulted in a stream – even, torrent – of opportunities and rewards not so much for the underclass but for the elite and the support group in the civil service and professional class.
This top down approach, compounded by leakages and corrupt practices, needs to be replaced with, or at least complemented by one where resources and opportunities are directly channelled to and managed by groups at the community and grassroots levels.
Although the decision has been made to abolish Jawatankuasa Kemajuan Kampung (JKKK), a revival of JKKKs with membership extended to youth and women can provide an impetus to local level development. When led by motivated community leaders, JKKKs can become a catalyst in development and slow down the burgeoning of the underclass.
Experience in other countries has shown that the great volume of technical expertise and human resources in anti-poverty work – especially in the administrative apparatus engaged in planning and implementation – has turned out to be a liability by diverting resources away from the target group to pay for staff salaries and operating costs. Even reputable NGOs in other parts of the world engaged in anti-poverty work have ended up with three quarters or more of donor funds being used to meet administrative expenses. Information on expenditure intended for poverty and underclass target groups should be put out in the public arena to ensure transparency and accountability.
In view of the fact that the larger proportion of the underclass comprises members of the Malay community, it is imperative that successful members of the community step in to help the less fortunate members.
This has to begin with a critical and candid appraisal of the causative factors found within the community which accounts for why the Malay underclass continues to grow.
The importance of religion and religious organisations in Malaysia means that it can be a force for socio-economic change for the underclass. Islamic organisations are being supported by huge resources from the government and private individuals.
The role of religious organisations and the billions of ringgit spent on them and their impact need to be monitored to ensure positive outcomes. There are best and worst practices examples that need to be part of the learning process.
What’s proposed here is an example of the changes – and paradigm shifts – needed to conventional strategies and current wisdom if we are to make greater progress in arriving at a more equal and resilient society.
They may or may not work. What’s important is that we will need to think out of the box and have the courage to challenge long held orthodoxy. Or we will end up with the same old Malaysia.
This article is the seventh in the series on the state of Malay dominance. Comments: letters@thesundaily.com
